Thursday, October 31, 2019

Boeing Crashes and Capitalist Profits - 31 Oct 2019


“There are certain men in the world who rather see everybody hung before they'll take blame.” ― Arthur Miller’s “All My Sons”

When American playwright Arthur Miller wrote those words in 1947, he was penning a work based on the conspiracy between the Wright Aeronautical Corporation and military and civilian inspectors to approve defective airplane engines for use in World War II. The collusion occurred between 1941 and 1943 and was brought before then-Senator Harry Truman’s investigative committee after workers exposed the scheme. A number of executives went to prison.

In Miller’s play, the chief culprit, Joe Keller, offloads the blame onto a subordinate and later finds out that 21 pilots died as a result of his actions, including one of his sons. Keller commits suicide out of shame and regret.

Boeing CEO Dennis Muilenburg showed no such human emotions when he sat before the Senate Commerce Committee on Tuesday and the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee on Wednesday. Knowing he had nothing to fear from the Democratic and Republican politicians deferentially lobbing questions at him, he stonewalled and evaded, defending his decision to ignore and conceal multiple warnings from engineers and pilots and rush the deadly Boeing 737 Max 8 into service in 2017.

He even defended the “delegation” of oversight by federal regulators to Boeing itself and called for a further “updating,” i.e., gutting, of regulations.

Within two years of the launch of the new plane, two 737 Max 8 planes had crashed as a result of the malfunction of an automatic anti-stall mechanism called the Maneuvering Characteristics Augmentation System (MCAS), whose very existence had been concealed from pilots. A total of 346 men, women and children were killed.

At this week’s hearings, Muilenburg acknowledged that he knew of the red flags, yet not a single congressman or senator suggested that he, or his coconspirators in the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA), should be criminally prosecuted. Nor did the corporate media.

The first disaster occurred just over a year ago when Lion Air Flight 610 plunged into the sea outside of Jakarta, Indonesia, killing 189 people. The second came five months later, when Ethiopian Airlines Flight 302 nosedived into the ground near Addis Ababa, extinguishing the lives of another 157 human beings.

At Wednesday’s hearing, Muilenburg did not even acknowledge the presence of family members of the deceased who stood behind him holding up photos of their lost spouses, children, parents and siblings. He turned around to face them only after a member of the group demanded that he “look at people when you say you’re sorry.”

The Max 8 crashes were not simply accidents, they were crimes. They were the outcome of the criminalization of the American corporate ruling class.

Investigations by both Indonesian and Ethiopian flight safety officials have concluded that both Boeing and the FAA were culpable in the crashes.

By now, facts have emerged, some of which were raised at the hearings, which demonstrate incontrovertibly that Boeing knowingly put into service an aircraft that was not safe. These include:
  • Emails from pilots and engineers warning of the dangers, including one from Mark Forkner, Boeing’s chief technical pilot, noting that MCAS was out of control, “egregious” and “running rampant” during a test run on a flight simulator.
  •  
  • An email to Muilenburg from a senior manager recommending that the entire Max 8 program be shut down because standard safety protocols were being ignored in the race to launch the plane before Boeing’s European-based rival Airbus captured a slice of its market share. He wrote, “All my internal warning bells are going off and for the first time in my life I am hesitant about putting my family on a Boeing airplane.”
  •  
  • A 2016 warning to Congress from the Professional Aviation Safety Specialists union, which represents workers at the FAA, that deregulation had reached a point where regulators would be able to intervene in problems with an airplane only “after an accident has happened and people are killed.”
  •  
  • The removal of any mention of MCAS from flight training manuals and the reduction of pilot training on the new aircraft to a one-hour video on an iPad.
  •  
  • Boeing’s expansion of the power and scope of MCAS shortly before the Max 8’s launch without any notification to the FAA, other regulatory agencies, pilots or airlines.
  •  
  • Boeing’s decision to attach a new and bigger engine to a five-decade old airframe, rather than redesign the airplane, in order to cut costs, reduce labor, rush production and speed up certification. The resulting tendency of the Max 8 to stall, which MCAS was intended to correct, rendered the new plane “fatally flawed,” according to former pilot and aviation safety expert Chesley “Sully” Sullenberger.

  • The failure of Boeing and the FAA to ground the 737 Max 8 after the October 2018 Lion Air crash, even though Boeing had been aware of problems with MCAS before the disaster. Even after the crash of Ethiopian Airlines Flight 302 five months later, Boeing and the FAA refused to ground the plane until every other authority in the world had done so.
All of these crimes of commission or omission flow from Boeing’s subordination of all considerations, including safety, to profit. This is not unique to the aerospace manufacturer, but the basis of the entire capitalist system. The lives lost along the way are just the cost of doing business.
While the grounding of the Max 8 and lawsuits by pilots and relatives of victims are expected to cost Boeing $8 billion, the company increased in value by nearly $200 billion from the time that the deathtrap was announced in 2011 to when the planes were grounded.
The anarchy and irrationality of the capitalist market have been given unbridled rein by the deregulation of the airline industry—and every other sector of the capitalist economy—which began under Democrat Jimmy Carter in 1978 and has continued under both Democrats and Republicans for the past four decades. It is of a piece with the financialization and deindustrialization of the economy and the destruction of jobs, wages and social services.

For his part, Muilenburg laid off 16,000 workers in 2016 and 2017, his first two full years as CEO. As a reward, he draws a salary of $30 million a year. This year, nearly a third of his compensation has come from selling off a sizeable chunk of his Boeing stock a month before the Ethiopian Airlines crash.

Like many mega corporations, Boeing occupies a strategic position in the global operations of American imperialism and is tightly integrated into the state military/intelligence apparatus. It is the largest US exporter and second largest defense contractor. It is on the front lines of the mounting trade conflict with Europe, in which Boeing faces off against Europe’s Airbus. Since Trump’s election, it has more than tripled its stock price, spearheading the massive run-up on the Dow that has bolstered the fortunes of the American ruling elite.

Boeing is only one example of the lawlessness of the operations of big business. The recent past has seen the BP oil spill, the lead poisoning of Flint, the opioid epidemic, the wildfires and power outages linked to PG&E and the Wall Street crash of 2008. Not a single CEO has gone to jail as a result of these disasters driven by corporate greed and criminality. As Obama’s attorney general Eric Holder told Congress in 2013, America’s corporate barons and their business empires are “too big to jail.”
These are not aberrations or the products, at root, of subjective avarice—although blind greed exists in abundance. The criminalization of the American ruling class is the product of the degeneration and crisis of the entire social and economic system of capitalism.

The Boeing disasters underscore the need to put an end to capitalism and replace it with socialism, which is based on the satisfaction of social need, not private profit. This means mobilizing the working class to expropriate the private owners of the banks and major corporations and transform corporate giants such as Boeing into publicly owned and democratically controlled utilities. It means ending the dictatorship of the corporations over the workers and placing the control of economic life in the hands of the producers.

The entire political system and both bribed parties of big business, including their left talkers like Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, will oppose this to the bitter end. To establish safe, efficient, comfortable and affordable air travel requires the independent and revolutionary mobilization of the working class in the US and internationally in the fight for socialism.

Monday, October 28, 2019

What Handing Out Full Size Candy Bars on Halloween Says About You, According to Behavioral Economists By Shannon Fitzgerald October 24, 2019



The north side of San Francisco is lined with large stately homes, brick and stone exemplars of architectural revivalism. Built in the late 19th century and the first part of the last, these were the houses of the city’s industrialists and bankers. Today they are the homes of the modern titans, the tech CEOs and financiers, who, like their predecessors, enjoy a peaceful remove from the rest of the city. But there is one night a year, the teeming masses swarm at their front doors—for candy.

For all but one of the last eight years, Zillow has named San Francisco as the best city for trick-or-treating and the tony northern neighborhoods of Presidio Heights and Seacliff as the top ranked to visit on Halloween. There’s a reason for this. Zillow’s economists base their rankings on things like walkability scores and number of children under the age of 10. But even the littlest Jedi knights and Hermiones know that the most important indicator in their investment of the night is yield.

There is one can't miss house that has become legendary for their largesse: they hand out full-size candy, specifically Toblerone bars. When the prominent family moved in some twenty years ago, Halloween was a sleepy and underwhelming evening and the parents decided to up the ante to foster a sense of community and festivity amongst their neighbors. They now stock boxes of the triangular Swiss chocolate, as well as a changing variety of Sour Patch Kids, full-size Snickers and sometimes even small plush toys for the sugar-averse.

 
 
Growing up, many of us knew of that "one house" that gave out full size treats. But with more stores than ever pushing full-size treats this year, and many residents who go fun-size feeling pressure to give not just one bar but several to each trick or treater, this year Halloween is raising some interesting economic quandaries.

Fun-size vs. full-size

Stores signal expectations to the consumer by what they display, notes Wharton professor of marketing and psychology Deborah Small. A recent visit to a Skokie, IL-area Costco found boxes upon boxes of full-size Starburst and Skittle varieties and 30-count boxes of Hershey bars, Reese’s peanut butter cups and Kit Kats. Amazon, under its “The Halloween Store” banner, is stocking these variety packs of full-size candy in bulk quantities.

A trip to the store to stock up on Halloween candy sends one signal, so does eyeing what our neighbors are handing out or seeing what your child brings home in their treat bag. What you then hand out to trick-or-treaters can then become less about handing out the mini Twix that you secretly love and more about keeping up with the Joneses. Much of what we do is dictated by social norms and by comparison, no one wants to look cheap, says Deloitte behavioral economist Susan Hogan.

Small agrees that people might feel a small compulsion to show off, or at the very least, not be perceived as less than. However, what you give out is much more than a display of wealth status. Your Halloween treats can signal not just what you have, but aspects of your character, such as your generosity. “A lot of this has to do with social signaling and how they want to look to others and how people want to look is complex—high status and wealthy and caring and moral,” Small said.

You are what you give

Social media amplifies any moment and puts our focus much more on our public self and how we are viewed by the public. “It’s a halo effect too,” Hogan said. “If I give out big candy, am I generous? Am I rich? Am I successful?” She said that Halloween is an opportunity to tell our neighbors who we are.

But it’s also an opportunity to get in line with our peers or differentiate ourselves from them. “There is a tension between wanting to conform,” Small said. “And also be different.”

In the small town of Ross, CA, a wealthy enclave in Marin County, north of San Francisco, the street of Shady Lane is closed off to cars on Halloween and local families from the area and surrounding towns descend for trick-or-treating. Most of the houses embrace the spirit, decorating their houses and garages—some set up music systems and photo booths and bars, so it’s not just the kids who leave their driveway with a treat, but their parents too. It’s the vibe of a spooky block party or tailgate with most houses, but not all, getting involved. One family who moved in several years ago when their kids were small had heard, but not experienced, that Shady Lane was a bit “extra” on Halloween. It wasn’t until each new neighbor’s welcome to the neighborhood was punctuated by,

“Get ready for Halloween!” that it really sunk in: they had bought not just a new house, but also a new commitment to a holiday. The first year the family went full-size and bought 1,000 candy bars. But they got a large number of repeat kids and switched the next year to fun-size. This has worked well because in keeping with the over-the-top spirit of Shady Lane, each goblin gets two pieces, but if the bowl starts to run low, they have the flexibility to give out one.

And while 85% of households still prefer to give out the smaller Halloween candy sizes, according to the National Confectioners Association’s most recent seasonal survey, that means 15% give out full-size treats or other items. “Halloween is our Super Bowl,” Christopher Gindlesperger, SVP of Communication at the trade organization, said. “It’s the biggest candy moment of the year.”
It’s also a moment that does foster a sense of community among neighbors and neighborhoods, like the house in San Francisco that gives out Toblerones because the house is now surrounded by blocks of similarly festively-decorated and generous treat givers. “Halloween is a ritual that is fairly uniting,” Hogan said. “Maybe it’s something people cling to, this one nice thing. Let’s go all out for this ritual [that shows] what we do on the front side of our door versus the back door.”

As for what you should give out this Halloween, Hogan says your choice should be dictated less by what your neighbors are doing and more by what expectations you’ve already set. The behavioral economist says customer dissatisfaction spikes more with companies who have generous reward programs that they can’t maintain than with companies with no reward programs at all.

Disconfirmation theory shows our satisfaction is very subjective, she says, it’s not absolute, but driven by what we expect. An act of first-time generosity and then subsequent downgrade to market norms can be a disappointment.

Handing out full-size candy? “There’s a cautionary tale in there,” Hogan said. “You better be willing to stick with it.”

https://fortune.com/2019/10/24/halloween-candy-full-size-behavioral-economists/?utm_source=pocket-newtab

Sunday, October 27, 2019

Grimy painting found in French kitchen fetches $26.6 million to set record for medieval art

 
A unique work by Italian early Renaissance master, Cimabue, was sold at a French auction for 24 million euros ($26.6 million). It used to hang in a kitchen for years, with the owner unaware of the treasure in her possession. 
 
Acteon auction house expected the ‘Christ Mocked’ painting to go for between 4 and 6 million euros, but the final price smashed those estimates by more than four times.The name of the buyer, who paid the highest ever sum for a medieval painting, hasn’t been disclosed.

(Youtube Video 2:28 min - 27 Oct 2019)



Cimabue, who lived in Florence in 1272 – 1302, is believed to have played a key role in Italian painters giving up on Byzantine style and paving the way for Renaissance style through his more detailed and realistic depictions. The high price fetched by the painting may also be explained by the fact that work by the artist, also known as Cenni di Pepo, went on sale for the first time in decades on Sunday.
(Youtube video of Cimabue's Works 3:58 min  ) 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hvahekzzAQU

The discovery of the early Renaissance masterpiece was announced last month and became a sensation in the art world. It was owned by a woman from the town of Compiegne in northern France, who thought of it as just some old religious icon. The painting was hanging between her kitchen and her sitting room, collecting dust and grime for years. When she took the piece to the auctioneers they were stunned to find out that it was actually part of a diptych with scenes of the passion and crucifixion of Christ, which was painted by Cimabue. Its authenticity was confirmed through infrared reflectology. And when the grime was removed it turned out that the painting, which was made on wood and measured just 26 by 20cm, was in excellent condition.

Friday, October 25, 2019

NYT: "When Did Everybody Become a Witch?" -- Really? - 24 Oct 2019

 
 
NYT: "When Did Everybody Become a Witch?"

From the New York Times:
Witch parties, witch protests and a bevy of new books: We have reached peak witch.
I bet we haven’t. We haven’t yet begun to witch.

By Jessica Bennett
Oct. 24, 2019

… Real witches are roaming among us, and they’re seemingly everywhere.
Haven’t you noticed?

Witches are your millennial co-workers doing tarot card readings on their lunch breaks, and professional colleagues encouraging you to join them for a New Moon ceremony aimed at “career success.” (This happened to me the other day.)
Witches are influencers who use the hashtag #witchesofinstagram to share horoscopes, spells and witchy memes, and they are anti-Trump resistance activists carrying signs that say “Hex the Patriarchy” (also the title of a new book of spells) and “We are the granddaughters of the witches you weren’t able to burn.”

Witches are panelists, they are podcasters, they are members of The Wing (which calls itself a “coven”), they are in-house residents at swanky Manhattan hotels and some might say that one is even a presidential candidate, Marianne Williamson. (Alyssa Milano, of “Charmed” fame, recently fund-raised for Williamson. Coincidence?)

“I think everyone probably is the son or the daughter of a witch,” said Augusten Burroughs, the best-selling memoirist, whose new book, “Toil & Trouble,” tells the story of his own witchy coming out.

“‘Witch’ is a loaded word, but I do love it,” he said, noting that his husband thinks it needs some P.R. help. “I mean, I didn’t choose to write this book. It just came. And that tells me that something has been unlocked. It’s time. It is the moment somehow for witches to come out — in all their vibrant diversity.”
Not to mention witches’ diverse vibrancy.


Thank goodness, we can progress into a glorious future of hexes.

Screening of award winning Indian documentary "Reason: The War Between Faith and Rationality" 26 Oct 9:30-11:30am MIT Cambridge MA

 (Movie Trailer - Reason - 2:48 min)

When: Saturday, October 26, 2019, 9:30 am to 11:30 am 
 
Where: MIT Bartos Theater • E15-070 Ames Street • Kendall Station T • Cambridge 
 
 
 (India: Muslims accused of cattle herding lynched by Hindu Right Wing Extremists) 

"Reason" sets out to chart what Patwardhan sees as India's slide away from the complex tumult of a secular democracy towards hardening divisions of power, caste, and religious belief — lines that are enforced increasingly by violence - with acclaimed director Anand Patwardhan A conversation with film director Anand Patwardhan &
 
Professor Sana Aiyar, History, MIT
 
Professor Amartya Sen, Economics & Philosophy, Harvard
 
9:30am film start
12:30 – 1:30pm lunch
1:30pm panel Please RSVP for lunch
shasen@mit.edu
*************************
www.SouthAsiaAlliance.org

Tuesday, October 22, 2019

The Enigma Behind America’s Freak, 20-Year Lobster Boom Unraveling the possible causes of the lobster glut.- by Gwynn Guilford (Quartz)

lobsterboomandbust.jpg
Fanqiao Wang for Quartz.

Drizzled in butter or slathered in mayo—or heaped atop 100% all-natural Angus beef, perhaps? The question of how you like your lobster roll is no longer the sole province of foodies, coastal New Englanders, and people who summer in Maine. American lobster has gone mainstream, launching food trucks from Georgia to Oregon, and debuting on menus at McDonald’s and Shake Shack.
Unlike almost anything else that gets eaten on a bun, Maine lobster is wild-caught—which typically makes seafood pricier. So how has lobster gone from luxury eat to food-truck treat?'

The reason boils down to plentiful supply, plain and simple. In fact, the state’s lobster business is the only fishery on the planet that has endured for more than a century and yet produces more volume and value than ever before. And not just slightly more. In 2014, Maine fishermen hauled ashore 124 million pounds of lobsters, six times more than what they’d caught in 1984. The $456 million in value those landings totaled was nearly 20% higher than any other year in history, in real terms. These days, around 85% of American lobster caught in the US is landed in Maine—more than ever before.
Screenshot_2019-10-09 The enigma behind America’s freak, 20-year lobster boom.png
Even more remarkable than sheer volume, though, is that this sudden sixfold surge has no clear explanation. A rise in sea temperatures, which has sped up lobster growth and opened up new coastal habitats for baby lobsters, is one likely reason. Another is that by plundering cod and other big fish in the Gulf of Maine, we’ve thinned out the predators that long kept lobster numbers in check. Both are strong hypotheses, yet no one’s sure we really understand what’s going on.

Even as biologists puzzle over Maine’s strange serendipity, a more ominous mystery is emerging. 

A scientist who tracks baby lobsters reports that in the last few years their numbers have abruptly plummeted, up and down Maine’s coast. With the number of breeding lobsters at an all-time high, it’s unclear why the baby lobster population would be cratering—let alone what it portends. It could reflect a benign shift in baby lobster habitats. Or it could be that the two-decade boom is already on its way to a bust. To form a clearer picture why, we first need to unravel the possible causes of the current lobster glut.

Maine Lobstermen: Early Adopter Conservationists

yuri-long-lobster-roll.jpg
A classic Maine lobster roll. Yuri Long on Flickr, under CC-BY-2.0 (image has been cropped).

For a long time, the common wisdom was that more than 80% of Maine lobsters of legally harvestable size are killed each year, to be minced into bisque or slathered onto rolls. When you’re blotting out that many of them, how do you guarantee a steady supply of baby lobsters to keep the population growing? 

Maine lobstermen approach this question differently from almost any other fishery—and have for more than half a century. Most fisheries forbid fishermen from bringing to shore fish under a certain size, and limit the accumulated weight of fish caught. The idea is to protect the juveniles so that they can propagate the species. 

But the logic of this strategy defies biology—particularly in the sea, where many species tend to grow more fertile with age. 

Lobsters are a case in point. When a female produces eggs, they cling by the thousands to her underside like clusters of tiny, dark-green berries. Egg production generally rises exponentially with a female lobster’s size (a decent proxy for age since we still don’t know how to tell how old lobsters are). An eight-inch female carries half as many eggs as a 10-incher, and one-quarter the number of eggs clinging to a foot-long female, and so on. 

Rather than ignore the science, as many fisheries do, Maine scientists and lawmakers recognized early on that protecting big lobsters preserved the breeding stock. And not just big females. Since they prefer even heftier mates, big male lobsters needed protection too. Starting in 1933, lobstermen were required to throw back any ”jumbos,” lobsters larger than 4 and 3/4 inches, measured from eye socket to tail (these days it’s 5 inches). They also must release “shorts”—specimens smaller than 3 1/4 inches.

Then there’s the opt-in conservationism of “v-notching.” For half a century, Maine custom has obligated lobstermen not just to throw back any egg-bearing females they caught; but also first to cut out a “v” into her back tail-flipper. This mark, which her shell will bear for decades, signals to anyone who catches her in the future that she is fertile and must be thrown back. (The practice officially became law a little over a decade ago.) 

The upshot of these policies is that Maine lobstermen only catch medium-sized lobsters that haven’t been caught bearing eggs. This leaves bigger lobsters and fecund females to replace the ones we eat.

Doomsday Prophecies

v-notching.jpg
A “v-notched” female caught off Monhegan Island, Maine. AP Photo/Robert F. Bukaty.

But in the 1970s and ’80s, government scientists doubted the benefits of this elective environmentalism. Many warned that Maine’s lobster industry was on the brink of collapse.
“Over-exploitation certainly does exist now,” James Thomas, the state’s leading biologist, said in 1980, as Colin Woodard recounts in The Lobster Coast. “They’re fishing the lobster population way over the maximum that it can support.” 

It’s not hard to see why he and others thought that. For four decades, Maine lobstermen had hauled in around 20 million pounds a year, on average. More and more fishermen were turning to lobstering as groundfish like cod and hake were depleted—which meant more traps in the water. In 1950, Maine lobstermen landed about 18 million pounds of lobster with around 430,000 traps. By 1975, the number of traps had more than quadrupled to 1.8 million. Yet lobstermen caught just 16 million pounds of lobster.
Screenshot_2019-10-09 The enigma behind America’s freak, 20-year lobster boom(3).png
This pattern looked a lot like other fisheries on the eve of collapse: more boats, more men, more effort—and less to show for it. 

Then, out of nowhere, in the early 1990s, lobster landings surged. By the end of the decade, Maine’s lobstermen were hauling ashore 50 million pounds of the big-clawed crustaceans each year.
Screenshot_2019-10-09 The enigma behind America’s freak, 20-year lobster boom(1).png
At the time, this was hailed as a triumph of Maine lobstermen’s ethics and foresight. As industrial trawling was decimating fishing stocks up and down the Atlantic seaboard, Maine’s lobster boom seemed proof of the self-sustaining virtues of communitarian, artisanal fishing. 

It’s a story you want to believe. But lobstering policies are only a tiny sliver of the real ecological drama underway. By the late 2000s, it was clear that Maine’s lobster population exploded beyond any proportions that could be explained as dividends from sound conservation alone.
Screenshot_2019-10-09 The enigma behind America’s freak, 20-year lobster boom(2).png
Will this bonanza continue? That would be easier to answer if we knew for sure what was causing it. The problem is, we don’t.

Behind Maine’s Mysterious Lobster Bonanza

measuring-robert-f-bukaty.jpg
A Maine lobstermen measures his catch. AP Photo/Robert F. Bukaty.

Some obvious factors may help explain what’s going on. The increase in traps is likely part of it, as is the improvement in lobstering technology. But a much bigger cause is probably that the Gulf of Maine—the shallow patch of sea between Cape Cod and the southern tip of Nova Scotia—has been heating up faster than 99.9% of the world’s oceans. 

dfo-lobster-mapcolorcorrected.jpeg
The range of the American lobster. Photo from Oceans and Fisheries Canada.

Cooled by the Labrador Current that swoops down from the Arctic, the Gulf of Maine is much chillier than the rest of the Atlantic coast. This is ideal for American lobsters, which generally prefer waters between about 41°F and 64.4°F (5-18°C). Historically, that’s kept the lobster population centered around Maine’s southern shores. 

Before 2004, average temperatures in the Gulf of Maine had been notching up at a rate of about 1.8°F every four decades. Then they abruptly began rising at a much steeper rate—1.8°F every four years—according to a 2013 study by a team of scholars mostly from the University of Maine.

The brisk clip of warming has pushed lobsters steadily north. Bob Steneck, ecology professor at University of Maine, has traced that lobstering “sweet spot” as it’s crept up the coast, first from Casco Bay, off Portland in southern Maine, in the 1980s to where it is today—in Stonington, about 100 miles to the northeast. 

This lobster migration isn’t just about comfort. Whether and when they pass to the next stage of their lifecycle often depends on finding seas that are suitably temperate.

Helping Lobsters Bulk Up

rocky-21.jpg
A 27-pound lobster caught in 2012 by a Maine shrimp dragger. Reuters/Maine Department of Marine Resources.

In lobster land, size is survival. Big lobsters can muscle their way into choice dens, deter predators, and—for males at least—attract mates. The crustacean grows much faster in relatively warmer seas. A southern New England lobster reaches harvestable size in about five years. In the frosty waters of Canada’s Bay of Fundy, on Maine’s eastern border, it can take from six to 10 years. In addition, females in more temperate waters become fertile younger. Southern New England females, for instance, reach sexual maturity when they’re around half an inch smaller than their Bay of Fundy cousins. 

Their search for warmth spurs a semi-annual lobster migration. Icy winds that whip off the land in winter chill inshore shallows, sending lobsters scuttling down the coastal shelf to relatively warmer pockets. Then as the sun heats the sea in late spring, lobsters awaken from their torpor and trek back toward the shore to eat, mate, and bulk up. 

Egg-bearing females are particularly hell-bent on escaping the cold. During the nine to 12 months the eggs layer a female’s underside, they require enough warmth to develop. And only when seas are sufficiently summery—typically in June in southern New England, and well into August the closer you get to Canada—will the babies hatch into shrimp-like larvae. 

At the mercy of currents, wind, temperatures, and the appetites of passing fish, the vast majority of these hatchlings don’t make it. Those lucky few that do will, within a month or two, have grown into a tiny, fully-formed lobster about the size of a cricket. Now big enough to swim, these larvae dive to the seafloor to settle in rocky crannies, where they’ll hide out for the next few years, until they’re big enough to fend for themselves. 

The price of your lobster roll ultimately depends on how many of these babies survive. It seems clear that many multiples more little lobsters are making it into adulthood—and eventually onto butter-sopped buns—than in the past. This probably has something to do with the fact that, like their parents, babies also benefit from milder Gulf of Maine temperatures.

Location, Location, Location

lobster.jpg
A baby lobster (a.k.a. “young of year”). Photo by Rick Wahle.

Even in deep summer, the waters of eastern Maine and Canada’s Bay of Fundy have traditionally been bracingly chilly. This is fine for adult lobsters. Their offspring have a tougher time, though. Lab experiments suggest that in seas below about 54°F—a common enough summer temperature in those areas—many babies struggle to survive at all. Even among the hardier specimens, few grow big enough fast enough to make that crucial descent to the seabed. 

beaver-bay-alsi-plot-post_colorcorrected.jpeg
“Young of year” refers to recently settled baby lobsters.

In the early 2000s, however, the Bay of Fundy stopped being such a baby lobster deathtrap. This discovery came from Rick Wahle, a biologist at the University of Maine who developed a sampling method used to count baby lobsters settled in the Bay of Fundy’s Beaver Harbor since 1989 (the data were generated by Canadian biologist Peter Lawton). For more than a decade, the team of divers found fewer than one baby per square meter, on average. Then babies started moving in. In 2005 and 2008, they found more than seven settled baby lobsters per square meter, on average. 

A similar upswing was underway on the other side of the border, in eastern Maine, whose waters also have long been too cold for baby lobsters. It seems likely that the warming of these typically colder northeastern swaths of the Gulf of Maine was letting more babies make it to the sea bottom, where they found the gravelly detritus left by ice age glaciers.
Screenshot_2019-10-09 The enigma behind America’s freak, 20-year lobster boom(4).png
This “cobble,” as scientists call it, makes the perfect nurseries for baby lobsters. And once settled, they were clearly thriving. A few years after Wahle started tracking the baby settlement uptick, lobster landings both in the Bay of Fundy and in counties Down East, as Mainers refer to the their state’s northeastern edge, soared.

Warming May Only Be Half the Answer

juvenile-lobster-rick-wahle-ri.jpg
A juvenile lobster in its preferred habitat: cobble in the Gulf of Maine. Rick Wahle, via NOAA Photo Gallery on Flickr, CC-by-2.0. (Image has been cropped).

Intuitively, spiking sea temperatures seem a pretty solid explanation for much of the Maine lobster boom. More females giving birth at smaller sizes—before they can be legally caught—not only means more babies per each new generation. It also means more v-notched females. Finally, thanks to warmer seas and plum new habitats, more babies than before are surviving. 

Statistics seem to bear that out: Even if you strip away the overall trend and focus on the discrete changes, the warming trend and the leap in lobster landings line up pretty clearly, says Andrew Pershing, chief scientist at the Gulf of Maine Research Institute (GMRI). 

But the causal effect suggested in this relationship isn’t as obvious as it might seem. 

“That [correlation] could be [a sign of] more lobsters over the 30 year period,” says Pershing, “But year to year, it’s also that in warm years we catch more lobsters—you basically have this period in the summer where it’s warmer and lobsters are active and you can catch them really quickly.” 

In other words, we know that Maine lobstermen are catching a lot more than usual, and temperature is very likely part of the cause. But we don’t know whether there are actually more lobsters down there, or whether the warmer water is making them easier to catch. 

And then there’s this point, which appears to undercut the thesis: The very beginnings of the great Maine lobster surge predates the Gulf of Maine’s big temperature rise by roughly a decade.

Man and Cod

richard-1936-cod.jpg
A fisherman dries codfish in Vinalhaven, Maine, circa 1936. Flickr user rich701, licensed under CC-BY-2.0 (image has been cropped).

The second big hypothesis behind the sudden lobster abundance is simply that human seafood-lovers have rubbed out many of their predators—sharks, hakes, haddock, skates, rays, and above all, cod.
As voracious as they are massive—they can grow up to 2 meters (6.6 feet)—cod zip through the northeastern Atlantic with their mouths agape, gulping down worms, shrimps, herring and whatever else they can swallow. Including, of course, lobsters. Throughout much of the last millennium, 

European fleets trolled the Atlantic in search of cod. But it wasn’t until the 1930s, when refrigerators let fishermen catch cod with abandon, and throughout the next few decades, as fishermen souped up their trawlers with engines, that Maine’s cod population dwindled dangerously. 

steneck-cod-bnw-colorcorrected.jpeg
Atlantic cod abundance. "American lobster dynamics in a brave new ocean," Steneck and Wahle, 2013 (modified from Sosebee and Cadrin, 2006).

This would throw any ecosystem out of whack. But Maine’s is uniquely flimsy. One of the planet’s youngest oceans, the North Atlantic also claims an unusually low diversity of species. The sparse lattice of creatures in Maine’s food chain mean that even a small change in one species’ population can throw others out of whack. This makes for sudden booms, and just as sudden busts.

Cod sit at the very tip-top of this unusually fragile food chain—an “apex predator,” as they’re called, that keeps lobsters and other species in check. With cod and its fellow apex predators obliterated, the creatures that they once ate exploded in number. And because these smaller creatures tend to feed on cod eggs and larvae, they may be making it hard or even impossible for cod and other apex predators to bounce back.
Screenshot_2019-10-09 The enigma behind America’s freak, 20-year lobster boom(5).png
There may be another factor at play, though. Heavy fishing not only shrank cod numbers; it also shrank their average body sizes. Research suggests the average cod size fell 20% between 1997 and 2007. A study (paywall) by Rick Wahle and colleagues linked the lobster boom more closely to the shrinking sizes of predator fish, than to the population decline itself. 

Normally, roving predators restrict lobsters to tiptoeing around their rocky grottoes. With fewer—and much wimpier—predators to worry about, lobsters can wander unprotected seabed terrains with new abandon. Both Wahle and GRMI’s Pershing say this is consistent with what they hear from lobstermen: They’re catching lobsters in areas that, two decades ago, lobsters never went.
So the boom might not just be due to abundance. The fact that lobsters are no longer stuck cowering in their craggy dens may also be making them easier to catch.

Domesticating the American Lobster

pats-game.jpg
Cheap lobsters at a tailgate party. AP Photo/Charles Krupa.

If shrinking cod tilted the ecosystem in favor of lobsters, fishermen then unwittingly gave the crustaceans another boost—what UMaine’s Bob Steneck calls “the domestication of the Gulf of Maine.” 

“We did it on land literally thousands of years ago,” he says. ”Removing the predators and adding food is generally good animal husbandry.” 

In the case of Maine’s lobsters, that second part of the domestication equation—adding food—hinges on herring. With cod and other herring predators winnowed down in size and number, the cheaper, smaller fish were becoming more plentiful. Americans don’t much care for herring. But lobsters sure like it. 

These days, herring is the prime bait used in lobster traps, the few-foot-tall metal crates. Here’s a demonstration of how one works: 

Despite their names, they don’t actually “trap” at all. Using undersea cameras to spy on a trap, scientists discovered that only 6% of lobsters that wandered into a trap stuck around long enough to get hauled to the surface. Why do so many lobsters mosey through and then leave? For the all-you-can-nibble herring, naturally. 

herring.jpg
With cod gone, herring catches have boomed. AP Photo/Robert F. Bukaty.

There are close to four million traps in Maine waters, says Steneck—each one packed with about a pound of bait per day. ”Most of the lobsters that go into traps are undersized and can’t be harvested,” he says. “They get a free meal.” 

All those free meals boost the population—and the industry. GMRI researchers calculated that during trapping season, herring accounts for between a third and half of lobsters’ diets. Those in areas with traps grow 16% faster than lobsters in areas without, according to their research. This extra heft also adds around $40 million a year to the value of Maine’s lobster haul. 

The success of this domestication process perpetuates itself. As other fisheries founder, both Maine’s fishermen and the state’s economy have grown increasingly reliant on its swollen lobster haul. The lobster fishery’s total economic impact on the state economy was $1.7 billion, as of 2012—more than 3% of Maine’s GDP that year.
Screenshot_2019-10-09 The enigma behind America’s freak, 20-year lobster boom(6).png
However, twilight may already falling on Maine’s two-decade crustacean heyday. Though the contents of this season’s lobster traps signal nothing but bounty, scientists are uncovering grim omens from under the rocks below.

Bad News From the Baby Lobster Census

The first comes from Rick Wahle’s annual survey of baby lobster settlement. Using scuba divers and, in deeper water, retrievable boxes that simulate cobble, he and his team have counted baby lobsters at more than 100 sites in Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Canada, a few for more than 25 years. As you’d expect, their findings suggest that wherever baby lobsters settle in big numbers, adults soon abound. 

lobster-pic-1.jpg
Wahle’s team surveys the Gulf of Maine’s cobble for baby lobsters. Photo by Rick Wahle.

What about the obverse, though? We’re about to find out. 

In the last few years, Wahle and his team have tracked what he calls a “widespread and deep downturn” in the number of settled baby lobsters. Though there have been decreases at certain sites before, the signals they’re picking up now are different. 

“We’ve seen other downturns—they blink on and blink off. But we’ve never seen all of them blink on like that.” 

The slump in babies started around 2011, which means “the next two years are going to be very telling because of that downturn in settlement,” says Wahle.

The Case of the Missing Lobsters

airborne-lobster.jpg
Photo from Reuters/Brian Snyder.

What’s strange is that, by all reckoning, Maine’s lobster population should be at an all-time high—which means baby lobsters ought to be too. There are also more breeders than ever before. The state’s lobsters are better fed, better protected, and—in the upper Gulf of Maine, at least—they and their babies enjoy more favorable sea temperatures than at any time in history. 

“That we see such a dramatic decline in settlement here at a time when brood stock, the spawners, are at peak levels of abundance—there must be an environmental factor here,” says Wahle. 

There are a couple of things that this could mean. One is what Steneck—he works closely with Wahle, a former student of his—calls the “deep water hypothesis.”
In the past, most larvae likely settled in the upper 60 feet or so of the coastal shelf, where waters were sufficiently warm. However, cobblestone and rocky ledges extend a ways offshore in places, perhaps 100 feet down. So as the water has gotten balmier, they’ve been able to make their homes farther offshore—in waters that used to be too cold for them—well beyond where Wahle and his team are looking for them. The kids, in other words, are alright. 

In another scenario, they’re not, though. Steneck says that deeper water—where lobsters spend winter—seems to be warming faster even than shallow areas. If this means a females’ eggs mature and hatch while she is still far offshore, her babies could be carried out to sea by currents into waters too cold and deep for babies to survive. 

“The first scenario, if true, would be very positive, the second one very negative—it would mean we’re going to see a significant downturn [in landings],” says Steneck. “I just don’t think we have a clue which one of those is correct.” 

On the bright side, the first scenario jibes with reports from fishermen who’ve been hauling up baby lobsters and juvenile lobsters in unusually deep waters, suggesting that babies are successfully settling there. But new research on female lobster fecundity could tip the scale in favor of the much grimmer outlook.

Trouble with Grand Manan’s big mamas

The findings raise the possibility of another culprit entirely: Female lobsters are suddenly producing fewer eggs. This seems unlikely given the prime baby-making conditions created by the warming seas. However, research (paywall) led by Heather Koopman, a biologist at the University of North Carolina, suggests this might be happening—and ocean warming is probably why. 

egger.jpg
An egg-bearing female lobster caught in Harpswell, Maine. AP Photo/Pat Wellenbach.

To analyze lobster fecundity, Koopman and her team tagged along with lobstermen working the waters near Grand Manan Island, in Nova Scotia’s Bay of Fundy. Home to some of the biggest female lobsters ever recorded, the island is also a spawning hotspot for the whole region, an important source of current-carried larval emigres far down Maine’s coast. Before tossing back each “egger” that the lobstermen hauled up, Koopman and her team counted her eggs (or took digital pictures so they could tally them later). Over five years, they sampled some 1,370 lobsters, building one of the biggest collections of data on lobster reproduction ever amassed.

The results were disconcerting. From 2008 to 2013, the average number of eggs they counted on a lobster’s underside declined by 30%—a drop of around 8-10% a year.

Canadian Bakin’?

lobster-in-focus.jpg
A lobster caught off Cape Elizabeth, Maine. Photo by Reuters/Brian Snyder.

What might explain this alarming drop in fecundity? Stress from handling, pollution, disease, and lack of oxygen could in theory be factors. 

However, the most likely cause, hypothesized Koopman and her team, is the rapid rise in water temperatures. While some warming is obviously favorable to lobster populations, too much is dangerous. A female lobster’s ovaries mature when temperatures drop somewhere below the 41°F to 46.4°F range. During the five years of the study, water temperatures never fell below 41°F, and only a few times below 46.4°F. If Koopman and her teams’ hypothesis is right, it also doesn’t bode well for egg production further south, in waters already much warmer in winter than the Bay of Fundy.

Another possible factor behind the Grand Manan Island fecundity decline could be that there simply aren’t enough big male lobsters left to go around. Female lobsters generally prefer mating with bigger males. That’s not as easy as it used to be though, explains Tracy Pugh, a Massachusetts state fisheries biologist who specializes in lobster reproduction. The more rigorous protection of eggers (Maine’s conservation policies are the norm in Canada too) makes it highly likely that many more females than males will avoid harvest long enough to reach the 5-inch legal limit. 

So what happens when females outnumber males, or exceed them in size? In labs, at least, mating doesn’t always work out so well. Guy lobsters that try to get it on with bigger females sometimes simply fail to get the job done. Others release too little sperm to fertilize all of the large female’s eggs. And when females outnumber their counterparts, males sometimes can’t keep up with the demand. However, Pugh emphasizes that lab results don’t always reflect what happens in the wild.
Still, whatever is behind it, the fecundity decline of Grand Manan’s big mamas could indeed explain why fewer babies are making it to Maine cobbles than before.

The Coming Collapse?

foreboding.jpg

These disquieting data might just be statistical noise—or they may foretell a reversal in the Gulf of Maine’s two-decade lobster boom. If any fishermen can weather such a downturn, it’s Maine’s lobstermen. Tempered by tradition, discipline, and the collective will of generations, their practices exemplify the long game of biological and economic sustainability that far too many other fisheries decline to play.

As the Maine’s lobster industry’s improbable rise reveals, no single species exists in a vacuum. Unfortunately, conservation efforts don’t either. Two decades of lobster abundance isn’t thanks to human mastery of ”sustainability.” The ecosystem extremes that seem likely to have produced it—how we’ve pulled apart the food web, heated up the sea, re-rigged the lobster population structure—are volatile. Inevitably, nature warps again. 

If this research is truly flashing a warning sign, that warping may already be underway. For most, that means that the local lobster roll food truck might switch back to selling kimchi tacos. But for a state whose identity is married to the iconic big-clawed crustacean, the stakes are much higher.

“We’re not talking about lobstermen having a bad decade,” says UMaine’s Steneck. “We’re talking about the entire maritime and coastal heritage of the coast of Maine.” 

https://getpocket.com/explore/item/the-enigma-behind-america-s-freak-20-year-lobster-boom?utm_source=pocket-newtab

UConn: White Students ARRESTED after racial slur dare game is recorded and posted on Twitter

 
 
Two University of Connecticut students have been arrested after they were videoed trading racial slurs back and forth in what appeared to be a vulgar word game. The video was posted online and sparked protests on campus. 
 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KchpdyG5fjU
 
Jarred Karal and Ryan Mucaj, both 21, were arrested and charged with “ridicule on account of creed, religion, color, denomination, nationality, or race,” UConn spokeswoman Stephanie Reitz announced on Monday as students and staff alike demanded “accountability.”



The two white students had played a game where they uttered vulgar words at increasing volume as they walked through the campus parking lot, progressing to racial slurs as they ran out of profanities.
Although the chances of any person hearing this kind of talk is very low since it apparently only happened once.  This is the kind of event that some people look forward to because it justifies their permanent outrage.  
They were videoed from a nearby residence saying “n****r” back and forth at each other five times; the slur was barely audible in the recording, but became a major campus issue after it was posted on Twitter.


Students gathered to protest just hours before the arrest was announced, insisting “it’s more than just a word.” The student newspaper excoriated administrators for not responding more quickly to the 11-second video, which was posted on October 11. Their rage was compounded by another alleged racial discrimination incident at a campus fraternity party in which a student claimed two members called her a racial slur.

The UConn chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) has demanded that the fraternity is disbanded. Additionally, the school must update its hate speech code, hire new black members of staff, and adopt a mandatory diversity course, lest it “create a culture in which racism is tolerated and normalized,” the group warned in a letter published in the student paper. UConn president Thomas Katsouleas has hurried to appease the angry students, putting out a hiring call for a diversity officer.

  Karl and Mucaj face a maximum $50 fine, 30 days in jail, or both under state law, and the school is looking into whether they violated its code of conduct, which could see them expelled.


Monday, October 21, 2019

HERESY IN THE VATICAN? Catholics steal the Pope’s ‘pagan’ fertility statues, dump them in river (VIDEO)


HERESY IN THE VATICAN? Catholics steal the Pope’s ‘pagan’ fertility statues, dump them in river (VIDEO)
Angered at Pope Francis’ apparent worship of false gods and idols, a crack team of angry Catholics have slipped into a Roman church and made off with a collection of Amazonian statues, before dumping them in the River Tiber. 
 
In a video apparently filmed in the early hours of the morning and posted by Catholic news site LifeSite News, a pair of worshippers rise from the pews of Rome’s Santa Maria in Traspontina Church near St. Peter’s Basilica, remove several carved wooden statues of a topless pregnant woman, proceed outside to the Castel Sant’Angelo, salute a statue of Archangel Michael, and chuck the figurines into the Tiber River below.
“This was done for only one reason: Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, his Blessed Mother, and everybody who follows Christ, are being attacked by members of our own Church,” one of the men said in a statement, before lapsing into Latin and concluding “Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat!”

The men’s bizarre heist was not without warning.

Earlier this month, Pope Francis received the statues as a gift from Amazonian indigenous leaders, who participated in a tree-planting ceremony in the Vatican Gardens. To the pontiff, it was an opportunity to deliver a sermon on climate change, with the tree planted in “soil from the Amazon...bathed in the blood of those who have died fighting its destruction.”

As part of the ceremony, a woman in ritual dress bowed before the statues, which supposedly represent a fertility goddess named Pachamama, sometimes compared to the Virgin Mary. In pre-Hispanic times, however, Pachamama was a more menacing figure, demanding a steady flow of sacrifices.



The supposedly “inclusive” ceremony triggered an outpouring of fire and brimstone from more traditional Catholics. Canon lawyer Fr. Gerald Murray decried the “pagan religious ceremony” he witnessed, while another priest compared it to something “lifted from the Berkeley campus in the 60s,” when the earth-loving hippie movement had moralists the world over clutching their rosary beads.

Though the fertility idols now rest on the muddy bed of the Tiber, some Catholic commentators reckon the damage is already done. Pagan-turned-Catholic author Rexcrisanto Delson says that for those involved in the ceremony, “there’s no excuse from here on out to claim they didn’t know they were violating the First Commandment,” while quoting Psalm 95:5 in saying that “all the gods of the Gentiles are devils.”

A LifeSite petition calling for the removal of the indigenous gifts from the Vatican had gathered more than 16,000 signatures, before the pair of religious bandits took things into their own hands.

 https://www.rt.com/news/471459-vatican-pagan-statues-stolen/

Back From the Brink - The Call to End Nuclear War - Teach-In at Mass State House Beacon Hill Boston MA 22 Oct 11am-12noon

"Back from the Brink" teach-in at state house

 
 
When: Tuesday, October 22, 2019, 11:00 am to 12:00 pm
 
Where: Massachusetts State House • Beacon St. • Room 437 • Boston

October 22nd "teach in" on Back from the Brink at the statehouse, which is open to the public (in addition to legislators and their staff).

In an interesting twist for a statehouse gathering, some members of the Longwood Symphony Orchestra will join us in opening the event with classical music. 
The panel will include:
  • Ira HelfandMD, Co-founder and Past President of Physicians for Social Responsibility (PSR), a co-President of International Physicians for Social Responsibility (IPPNW), and a member of the International Steering Group of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN). 
  • Elaine Scarry, PhD, Walter M. Cabot Professor of Aesthetics and the General Theory of Value at Harvard University
  • David WrightSenior Scientist & Co-Director, Global Security Program at the Union of Concerned Scientistsv 
  •  
  •  
  •  
  • The Call
  • The danger of nuclear war is real and growing — we are marching to the brink of a catastrophe that threatens all of humanity. We need to act now.
    Back from the Brink: The Call to Prevent Nuclear War is a national grassroots initiative seeking to fundamentally change U.S. nuclear weapons policy and lead us away from the dangerous path we are on. The Call lays out five common-sense steps that the United States should take to reform its nuclear policy. We are asking individuals and organizations around the country to endorse The Call and build support for the U.S. government to adopt it as its highest national security priority. Join the effort and help build a safer world for our children to inherit.

    We call on the United States to lead a global effort to prevent nuclear war by:

    01

    Renouncing the option of using nuclear weapons first

    02

    Ending the sole, unchecked authority of any U.S. president to launch a nuclear attack

    03

    Taking U.S. nuclear weapons off hair-trigger alert

    04

    Cancelling the plan to replace its entire nuclear arsenal with enhanced weapons

    05

    Actively pursuing a verifiable agreement among nuclear-armed states to eliminate their nuclear arsenals


     

The death of Elijah Cummings: Democrats, media glorify a mediocrity - 21 October 2019



The death of Representative Elijah Cummings (D-Maryland) early Thursday morning became the occasion for an outpouring of praise from both Democrats and Republicans, hailing the late Baltimore congressman as a paragon of political principle and moral rectitude. The corporate media joined in, making a political mountain out of a molehill, glorifying a run-of-the-mill member of Congress as though he were a hero of the civil rights movement.

Both the Washington Post and the New York Times published front-page tributes to the 68-year-old Cummings in their Friday editions. The Post headline described him as “A congressman of principle and resolve,” while the Times called Cummings a “Fighter Revered by Democrats as a ‘North Star’.” Large photographs of Cummings accompanied both obituaries.

The real purpose of the flowery tributes was to give a “progressive” gloss to the impeachment campaign launched by the House Democrats, in which Cummings played a significant role to the very end, issuing subpoenas by the House Government Oversight Committee from his sickbed at a Baltimore hospice.

The reality is that if Cummings had died in 2017, when he suffered a serious heart ailment and had to have surgery on his aorta, his passing would have been relegated to a perfunctory notice on the inside pages: one more Democratic machine politician, soon to be replaced by another. It is only his role in the past eight months that has caused the corporate media to sing hallelujahs to the Maryland congressman.

Cummings was born in 1951, the son of Southern sharecroppers who moved to Baltimore to find work—his father in the city’s booming factories, his mother as a domestic and then herself a factory work. Both were Baptist ministers on the side, and passed on their religious orientation to their son.
Given his age, Cummings played no role in the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. By the time he graduated from Howard University in 1973, and then obtained his law degree from the University of Maryland in 1976, the heyday of the great struggles for equal rights had passed, and a new period of capitalist political reaction was setting in.

The generation that led the civil rights struggles had either been murdered, like Medgar Evers, Malcolm X and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., or had been coopted by the capitalist establishment, taking positions as Democratic congressmen, big-city mayors, corporate executives, union bureaucrats and the like, helping police the working class on behalf of American capitalism.

Already aspiring to become a bourgeois politician, Cummings was president of his sophomore class at Howard, majored in political science, and was student body president as a senior. He passed the Maryland bar in 1976 and, after a few years working as a lawyer in Baltimore, ran for and won a seat in the Maryland House of Delegates. He effectively inherited the seat, as the retiring delegate backed his campaign and served as a political mentor. From 1983 to 1996, Cummings was a member of the House of Delegates, rising to head the black caucus and serve as Speaker pro tem, the second-ranking position in the leadership of the heavily Democratic legislature.

Early in 1996, he won a special election in Baltimore to replace Congressman Kweisi Mfume, who had resigned to become president of the NAACP. In one of his first votes in Congress, Cummings backed passage of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRAIRA), which made it nearly impossible for millions of undocumented people to achieve legal status and facilitated rapid deportations, including through the “expedited removal” process in which immigrants are stripped of the right to appear before a judge.

Cummings moved up the ranks of Democratic members of what became the House Government Oversight Committee, which played an increasingly prominent role in conducting investigations into charges of malfeasance by the Bush and Obama administrations. But as in the Maryland legislature, he was a dutiful back-bencher in the House, making few waves and rising through the accumulation of seniority as he routinely won reelection from his district, which was centered on the heavily African-American west side of Baltimore.

The first WSWS mention of Cummings comes in February 2008, some 12 years after he first entered Congress, when he was described raking baseball pitcher Roger Clemens over the coals at a hearing on steroid use. In a loud baritone, he demanded to know whether the witness was aware he was under oath as he made his denials.

Two months later, Cummings was not nearly so ferocious in questioning Federal Reserve Board chairman Ben Bernanke about the deepening US financial crisis. He adopted a begging or wheedling tone to the head of the US central bank, an important figure in American capitalism. “There are people in my district who can’t even afford the gasoline to get to their jobs. These people will be watching now to try to understand what’s going on,” he pleaded, and then added plaintively, “You’re the expert, you’re the one that we depend on, you’re the superstar, you have to tell us what to do.”

This contrast perfectly captures the political psychology of congressional Democrats: bullying towards those seen as vulnerable, groveling towards the powerful and well-connected. The very opposite of the “speaking truth to power” which the Post obituary claimed was Cummings’ forte.
Cummings came to national prominence briefly in 2015, after the police murder of Freddie Gray, a young African-American man, in west Baltimore. He joined with clergymen and other Democratic politicians, armed with bullhorns and backed by squads of police, imploring Baltimore residents to leave the streets where they had assembled to protest, and return to their homes.

At a press conference in August 2015, Cummings portrayed the population of westside Baltimore as criminals, declaring, “Black lives matter and they do matter. But black lives also have to matter to black people. We know over and over again a lot of the victims of these crimes are African-American, and we know a lot of the perpetrators are African-American.”

Cummings made his name with the leadership of the Democratic Party by serving as the principal advocate for Hillary Clinton during a series of hearings into the attack on US facilities in Benghazi, Libya. Congressional Republicans turned the minor incident into a long-running campaign of mudslinging, claiming Clinton had blocked reinforcement of the US mission and was personally responsible for the death of US Ambassador Christopher Stevens.

Chosen to lead the Democrats on the Select Committee that investigated Benghazi, Cummings defended Clinton throughout her eight hours of testimony in October 2015, as well as during many others hearings. There is little doubt that if Clinton had won the presidency in 2016, she would have repaid the favor, perhaps with a cabinet position.

While the Democrats were in the minority in the House, from 2010 to 2018, Cummings formed close relationships with many of his Republican colleagues, sharing the spotlight with such right-wingers as Jason Chaffetz and Darrell Issa, at hearings on the Flint water crisis and the profit-gouging by drug companies like Mylan and the maker of the Epi-pen.

In February 2017, Cummings issued a joint statement with Senator Bernie Sanders citing Trump’s campaign demagogy over high pharmaceutical prices, expressing the “hope” that Trump would “really” take on the industry, and offering to join him in that effort.

Even after the Democrats regained the House majority in November 2018, Cummings remained a firm advocate of bipartisanship. He was among those preaching the gospel of “go slow” on impeachment, urging Democrats to combine investigation and legislation, and presenting Trump and the congressional Republicans as potential bipartisan partners.

It was only in early 2019, at a hearing for former Trump lawyer and “fixer” Michael Cohen, that Cummings was widely hailed in the media as the “conscience” of the Democratic Party, for his eight-minute closing remarks pointing to Trump’s criminality before and during his presidency. At the same hearing he defended ultra-right Republican Mark Meadows from an accusation of racism, describing him as “one of my best friends.”

Even more important in Cummings’ elevation to the status of a secular “saint” was Trump’s vitriolic denunciation of his Baltimore congressional district during the summer, which he described as a “disgusting, rat and rodent infested mess” and declared that no human beings would want to live there. The unmistakable implication was those who lived in west Baltimore were less than human.
After Cummings’ death, Trump joined in the general acclamation for his life and work, offering his “warmest condolences”—a temperature in Trump’s case only slightly above absolute zero—and claiming, “I got to see first hand the strength, passion and wisdom of this highly respected political leader.”

Trump’s cynicism and the media glorification of Cummings are two sides of the same coin. A political mediocrity while he was alive, he becomes in death just one more rock to be thrown in the ongoing conflict raging within the US ruling elite.